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THE GROWTH OF POLITICAL SCIENCE HAS BEEN RAPID RECENTLY, BUT THE LINKS BETWEEN THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF POLITICS AND THE PUBLIC HAVE NOT MARKEDLY IMPROVED,BECAUSE,THEY OFTEN APPEAR ABSTRACT OR THEORETICAL AN IMPROVEMENT WILL ONLY OCCUR WHEN POLITICAL SCIENTISTS BECOME MORE CONCERNED WITH THE PROBLEMS WHICH POLITICIANS AND THE PUBLIC.THIS MEANS BEING PREPARED TO LINK VALUES TO PROPOSALS MORE FIRMLY.

Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- 1 Introduction: The Need to Study the 'Presidential Republic' as a General Phenomenon of Contemporary Government -- Part I The General Characteristics of the Phenomenon of the Presidential Republic -- 2 The Wide Spread of Presidential Republics and Their Key Role in the Political Development of 'New Countries' -- 3 Presidential Republics alongside M onarchies and between Parliamentary Republics and Regimes of 'U surpers'

Deux grands objectifs nationaux portés d'une part par la loi d'avenir pour l'agriculture, l'alimentation et la forêt (2014), d'autre part par la loi pour la reconquête de la biodiversité, de la nature et des paysages (2016) peuvent qu'apparente car elle s'explique et se comprend dans le contexte de l'évolution des mentalités et de sa transcription dans les politiques publiques sur les relations entre les humains et leur environnement, ce qu'on appelle parfois une « nouvelle conservation ». Après un bref rappel de quelques fondamentaux scientifiques sur les dynamiques naturelles en forêt méditerranéenne, l'article décrit l'évolution des mentalités et de leur transcription dans l'agenda des politiques publiques. Les nouvelles logiques de gestion et de conservation sont explicitement intégrées dans le tissu socioéconomique et s'inscrivent dans un courant de profonds changements dans les regards portés sur la nature et sa conservation. Alors que l'écologie des années 1960 opposait les activités humaines à la protection de la nature (métaphore de la mise sous cloche), on assiste aujourd'hui à un glissement épistémologique qui fait passer la notion de nature à protéger à celle de ressources naturelles à gérer, puis à celle de patrimoine naturel à valoriser, puis à celle de biodiversité et enfin à celle de services écosystémiques. Mais l'instrumentalisation de la biodiversité et son introduction dans le champ de la gestion et de l'économie marchande, pour prometteuses qu'elles soient, soulèvent de nombreuses questions scientifiques et techniques qui relèvent aussi de l'éthique de l'environnement.

AbstractWhen the Soviet Union fell in 1990, three of its 15 components, the Baltic States, joined the European Union, and a fourth, Moldova, may well join in the future. The other 11 quickly became presidential republics, following the lead given by Boris Yeltsin, the president of the largest among them, Russia. By 1994, all 11 were headed by a president elected by universal suffrage. These ex-Soviet countries contribute significantly to the number of presidential republics in the world. Presidential republics form a clear majority, being predominant in Latin America and Africa, alongside the ex-Soviet Union. They are rare in Europe, the main cases being France, Romania, and, though seemingly temporarily, some Balkan states; in Asia, outside the ex-Soviet Union, they are a small minority.Like many presidential republics elsewhere, those in the ex-Soviet Union are mostly authoritarian, but with variations: this is primarily so in Central Asia, as well as in Azerbaijan and Belarus. These presidencies have been very stable, with some of their leaders, especially in Central Asia, being repeatedly re-elected, often without opposition. There has been a regular turnover in Armenia (but less so in Georgia) and in Ukraine (but not in Belarus). The Russian case is peculiar, as is well known: Putin became prime minister because he could no longer be constitutionally re-elected as president, at least without a break. The power of these presidents has varied over time: outside Central Asia (except Kyrgyzstan) and Azerbaijan, where they have been uniformly strong, their strength has declined in Georgia, increased in Russia and Belarus, and had ups and downs in Armenia and Ukraine.

The characteristics of parliamentary government vary markedly from one Western European country to another. One way in which these variations can be assessed is through the analysis of the career patterns of ministers. Differences are particularly marked among ministerial career patterns in the Austrian and Belgian cabinets. While both governments are ostensibly parliamentary, the Austrian government tends to be managerial while the Belgian government is parliamentary and more truly 'political'. (Abstract amended)

Abstract. The characteristics of parliamentary government vary markedly from one Western European country to another. Although we still do not know in detail the nature and amplitude of these variations, they are sufficiently manifest to warrant close examination. One way in which these variations can be assessed is through the analysis of the career patterns of ministers. These are interesting both in themselves and because they provide information about the nature of the decision‐making process: for instance, ministers who stay in office for very short periods are less likely to be involved in collective decisions than ministers who stay in office for a decade or more. Differences are particularly marked among ministerial career patterns in the Austrian and Belgian cabinets. Not only do Austrian ministers stay in office longer: they tend to come to office only once and then remain in the same post; they often do not come to the government by the parliamentary route, many coming from the civil service, industry, or interest groups. In all these respects, Belgian ministers have opposite characteristics. Thus it does seem that while both governments are ostensibly parliamentary, the Austrian government tends to be managerial, while the Belgian government is parliamentary and more truly 'political'.